Salesforce, Google sway market cap stock movers on ThursdayCarol Guzy/Zuma In recent days , an invitation from people affiliated with American Values 2024, a super-PAC that supported Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s presidential campaign, has been sent to people in his sphere offering “cocktails and dinner” with Kennedy at Mar-a-Lago. The invitation refers to Kennedy as “incoming secretary, Health & Human services,” although Kennedy has not yet been formally nominated, let alone confirmed by the Senate for that position. “These donors are getting special access to someone who’s trying to serve the public.” The price of enjoying Kennedy’s company at the fundraiser, set to take place on the Trump-owned club’s Lakeview Terrace, is $25,000 each, or $40,000 for a couple. Experts on federal election law say that such a bald exchange—a large donation in exchange for access to a powerful incoming government official—is technically legal, but ethically ill-advised. The invitation, an image of which was shared with Mother Jones , requests RSVPs at an email address associated with American Values 2024. The fundraiser’s listed hosts are Tony Lyons, a co-founder of the PAC and the owner of Skyhorse Publishing, which publishes Kennedy’s books; Robert and Perri Bishop, respectively the founder and chief operating officer of Impala Asset Management, who have donated generously to American Values and various Republican candidates; Candace McDonald, who the PAC’s CEO and also previously headed the anti-vaccine organization Generation Rescue; and Leigh Merinoff. Merinoff has spoken at a conference put on by Children’s Health Defense, Kennedy’s anti-vaccine organization. Her bio for that event described her as the owner of Meadows Bee Farm, “an experimental farm and raw milk dairy” in Vermont. FEC records show she also donated to American Values 2024. The Washington Post recently described how cabinet contenders and political hangers-on have once again descended on Mar-a-Lago, rubbing shoulders with Trump-allies who will soon be in government. A person who answered the club’s phone confirmed a “Bishop fundraiser” is set for December 10, by invitation only. “They have a headcount,” she added. “Make sure your name is on the list.” Kedric Payne, the senior director of ethics at the Campaign Legal Center , says that as a technical matter, laws that govern ethical conduct and permitted political activity for federal officials, including the Hatch Act, don’t apply to Kennedy until he takes office. But from an ethics perspective, “it’s important that you avoid not only an actual conflict of interest but the appearance of one,” he says. “There could be an appearance that these donors are getting special access to someone who’s trying to serve the public. I’d advise someone to avoid that situation.” Recently, Kennedy’s campaign has recently sent emails to supporters asking for donations to pay off $5.5 million in campaign debt. Exactly how funds taken in at the PAC-hosted, Mar-a-Lago event will be used is not specified on the invitation, but Lyons told Mother Jones that Americas Voice uses the money it raises “to advocate for public policy and initiatives that improve the health of American children and adults.” He added that the organization “has been doing this work for years and we are glad to host an event with RFK Jr whose views we support.” Kennedy’s campaign didn’t respond to a request for comment. A spokesperson for Trump’s transition acknowledged a request for comment, but did not provide a statement before publication. During his own campaign, and in his decades as an anti-vaccine activist, Kennedy railed against the influence of money in politics. “Typical candidates rely on big corporate donors + influencers to fund their campaigns,” he tweeted in September 2023. “In return, candidates advance the agenda of their donors.” “Both Republicans and Democrats have sold out to special interests and their top donors for decades,” he tweeted in March . “I’m not beholden to anyone but you.”NEW YORK (AP) — U.S. stocks are climbing Thursday after market superstar Nvidia and another round of companies said they’re making even fatter profits than expected. The S&P 500 was pulling 0.7% higher, as of 2:45 p.m. Eastern time, after flipping between modest gains and losses several times in the morning. Banks, smaller companies and other areas of the stock market that tend do best when the economy is strong helped lead the way, while bitcoin briefly broke above $99,000. Crude oil, meanwhile, continued to rise. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.
One decision stands out from all others in what has been a grim year for Prime Minister Anthony Albanese – and it holds a clue as to what he may do next. Albanese ends 2024 in a dire position for a leader who must face the people in just a few short months: the economy is weak, the federal budget is back in deficit and his personal popularity is down. But his allies name his move to overhaul personal tax cuts in January, delivering bigger benefits to millions of workers, as the best example of what he did right this year. Albanese began the year with a bold move by breaking an election pledge to leave the “stage three” personal tax cuts intact after years of argument about a tax package that had been written into law by the Coalition five years earlier. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton railed against the Labor changes and called for an election to be held to decide the matter, only to retreat when polls showed that most Australians liked the idea of a $313 billion package with bigger tax cuts for more workers on low and middle incomes. Albanese won the policy and the politics. He took a risk and it paid off. The tax cuts went ahead as scheduled in July with the Labor brand stamped all over them. If there was a reward from the electorate, however, it evaporated before the summer was over. Just as Albanese seemed to be taking the initiative, the Labor primary vote . It fell from 35 per cent in December to 34 per cent in February and 32 per cent in March. This became the pattern of the year. Nothing seemed to work for Albanese. His readiness to do radio interviews, while Dutton avoided scrutiny, did not appear to create a lasting bond with listeners. His speaking style, with mangled sentences instead of sharp messages, made it harder for him to cut through. Worse, the government never seemed to galvanise Australians with a sense of political mission. It unveiled more assistance for childcare, an age limit for social media, subsidies for energy bills, a wage boost for aged care workers and changes to prescriptions to make medicines cheaper. And it drifted down in the polls. “Labor and Albanese appear so dour, a government of grinding necessity,” says Paul Strangio, the emeritus professor of politics at Monash University. “The sense of missed opportunity is all the greater since they are in office at a time when the public shows signs of being fed up with business as usual. Albanese doesn’t appear to know how to harness or manage that sentiment.” Strangio highlighted this challenge in an essay for in September and says there has been no shift in the pattern in the final months of the year. “Growth in office has been a hallmark of many of Australia’s best prime ministers,” he says. “Albanese is yet to demonstrate this.” While Albanese was elected to parliament in 1996 and watched John Howard govern for 11 years, there is no sign he is learning a lesson from the Howard era. “When Howard was in trouble during his first term, he drew upon his deep-seated convictions to strike out in a bold direction,” Strangio says. The result was a high-stakes election on the GST. On international affairs, however, Albanese has moved easily into overseas meetings and global summits. He lowered the temperature with China, resumed leadership meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping and helped restart exports of beef, barley and lobster. This added billions of dollars to Australian industry. There was no economic dividend, and possibly no political payoff, from his effort to secure the release of from the United States and the from Indonesia. Even so, he pursued the talks to bring Australians home. The defeat of the Indigenous Voice in October 2023 still reverberates around Australian politics – and polling shows a slide in Labor support from that moment – but the government points to other achievements in this term, such as legislating a climate target to cut greenhouse gas emissions, to counter claims it has too little to show for its time in office. One minister says Australians will back the prime minister when the election arrives because of his personal qualities and what he offers in hard policy. “We are closer to making sure voters see this as a choice between Peter Dutton and Anthony Albanese,” he says. Labor strategists say this is not just about what Albanese has delivered during this term, but about the “forward offer” of policies for the next three years. In this assessment, from those closest to Albanese, the prime minister is just getting started in winning voters with new policy measures and attacking Dutton on Coalition vulnerabilities, such as its nuclear energy plan. But Albanese has been subject to relentless attacks from left and right while trying to hold the middle ground on the Middle East. Greens leader Adam Bandt accused him of complicity in genocide over the war in Gaza, while Dutton accused him of deserting Israel and being weak on antisemitism. The conservative media picked up on the claim and rammed it home. When arsonists committed what police called a “likely act of terrorism” at the Adass Israel synagogue in Melbourne in early December, Albanese condemned the antisemitism in a statement and on radio. But he was scheduled to fly to Perth and did not divert the aircraft to Melbourne, which meant he took several days to visit the destruction and stand with the Jewish community. The symbolic show of support seemed too slow, even if the actual support was strong. Albanese gave no quarter to protesters who called antisemitic chants, and he made sure that laws were passed to ban the “doxxing” used to reveal personal details of Jewish Australians. He arranged more funding to protect synagogues and schools. This was not enough, however, when the government was infuriating Israel by voting at the United Nations in a motion that did not condemn Hamas, listed by Australian authorities as a terrorist group. “I don’t subscribe to the view that he has been weak on antisemitism,” says Strangio. “To me, this is an idea prosecuted by dogmatic elements – especially the Murdoch media – and doesn’t allow for the diabolical challenge it has been for the government to strike a position that doesn’t aggravate the polarisation of community opinion but maintains some degree of social cohesion.” Australians, meanwhile, felt their household incomes shrinking in real terms. Although wages moved ahead of inflation in recent quarters, they remain down in real terms since the election. With the Reserve Bank seeking to reduce inflation, the government could not risk spending more money to help voters. The pressure on households generated pain in the polls. Voters are clearly sceptical about Albanese. Thirty-one per cent said in early December that he was doing a good job, but 57 per cent said he was doing a poor job. His net rating in the Resolve Political Monitor, minus 26 per cent, was four times worse in December than it had been in February. The verdict is more savage from some of his own Labor colleagues. “He’s tough on the weak issues and weak on the tough issues,” says one caucus member. The complaint is that Albanese can take a strong line on something that is secondary to most Australians – like the release of the last of the Bali Nine – but struggle on the problems that will decide the election. Most of all, the cost of living. Cautious in choosing his battles before the election, Albanese risks leaving voters with the sense that he does not know what to fight for. “I like Anthony Albanese, and I regard him as a friend, but I find his government underwhelming,” says independent MP Andrew Wilkie. “And that would be the view of many of my constituents. It is fair to add that politics in general has become underwhelming. I’m not suggesting for a moment that Peter Dutton is any better.” Albanese tried through the year to outline practical policies – including a rush in December to pass dozens of laws through parliament. This included the Help to Buy scheme to offer $5.6 billion in federal equity for young people buying their first homes, as well as the Build to Rent scheme to attract investment into new homes. Also in December came the $1 billion early education fund for childcare and the “three-day guarantee” to make it easier for new parents to receive childcare subsidies. The Coalition opposes the move, which could help Albanese in a cost-of-living battle. Albanese can point to other measures that help with costs. The changes to student loans will help young Australians by reducing their debts by $3 billion, with the promise of more change if the government holds power at the election. Again, the Coalition opposes the move. This leaves some observers wanting a bolder vision. Saul Eslake, an independent economist, says Australia needs ambitious reform to lift living standards over the long term. Dutton has no significant economic policy, other than his nuclear plan, and Albanese is not revealing anything too risky. “I sort of despair, really, that the government has shown no inclination to argue for an ambitious second-term reform agenda,” says Eslake. “And it’s almost too late now. Albanese seems not to have the vision or the rhetorical capacity to do this stuff.” Leaders are not only judged on what they do, but what they choose not to do. Will the prime minister lift his fortunes after a difficult year? Watch for some policy moves early in 2025 to convince voters to stick with him rather than take a risk with Dutton. The Labor strategy seeks to copy the approach taken at the last election: to kick with the wind in the final quarter. One of the prime minister’s allies says the critics of today forget the mistakes of the critics from three years ago, when Albanese was not given much credit for lining up a victory that swept Labor into power. “On the big calls he was proven right,” he says. This year has been no triumph for Albanese. But the contest is not over.
UC SAN DIEGO 73, JAMES MADISON 67
IOC needs to take a binary position on transgender participation in women’s sportNoneRavens coach John Harbaugh mum on suspended WR Diontae Johnson
Jhon Duran suspension confirmed as Aston Villa lose appeal over red cardWatch out, Moo Deng . A new baby hippo has made a holiday entrance and she is soaking up the social media spotlight . The Metro Richmond Zoo in Virginia has announced the addition of a baby pygmy hippopotamus, born on Dec. 9. Five days after birth, the yet-to-be-named baby pygmy weighed about 15 pounds, according to a news release . The baby pygmy was born to Metro Richmond Zoo's hippos Iris and Corwin − the hippos' third calf in four-and-a-half years, according to a news release . This is also the second time Iris and Corwin have welcomed a baby around the holidays. The baby pygmy's birth was unique, as it was Iris' first time giving birth in water, according to a news release . Though most common hippos give birth in water, pygmy hippos can also give birth on land. Iris gave birth in the hippo enclosure indoor pool. Keepers and a few guests were present to witness the birth. The baby's natural instincts, per a news release , were to kick and swim around the water. Holiday deals: Shop this season’s top products and sales curated by our editors. Following the birth, Iris and the baby were moved into a hay-bedded enclosure outside of the zoo's exhibit for bonding. They will re-enter the exhibit soon. More news: Why do we love Moo Deng, Pesto and other baby zoo animals? Psychologists explain What's with the hippo hype? The hype around the new pygmy follows a summer full of love for Moo Deng , a pygmy hippo born at the Khao Kheow Open Zoo in Thailand in July. Videos and photos of Moo Deng yelling at her zoo keepers, enjoying baths, and resting in water buckets have garnered millions of views on social media. In November, Moo Deng even participated in the U.S. 2024 presidential election , casting her "vote" for President-elect Donald Trump. When presented with two fruit baskets, one with Kamala Harris' name and the other with Trump's name, Moo Deng munched and crunched on the Trump cake. Just a few months after Moo Deng's birth, a female pygmy calf named Haggis claimed social media fame. Born in October, Haggis resides at the Royal Zoological Society of Scotland's Edinburgh Zoo. Pygmy hippos, thought of as the common hippo's smaller cousin, have been endangered since 2016. They are about half the size of common hippos, weighing less than one-fourth the full size of an adult common hippo. Pygmies are native to West Africa, and their average life expectancy is 27 years. Greta Cross is a national trending reporter at USA TODAY. Follow her on X and Instagram @gretalcross. Story idea? Email her at gcross@gannett.com .
HOUSTON (AP) — An elaborate parody appears to be behind an effort to resurrect Enron, the Houston-based energy company that exemplified the worst in American corporate fraud and greed after it went bankrupt in 2001. If its return is comedic, some former employees who lost everything in Enron’s collapse aren’t laughing. “It’s a pretty sick joke and it disparages the people that did work there. And why would you want to even bring it back up again?” said former Enron employee Diana Peters, who represented workers in the company’s bankruptcy proceedings. Here’s what to know about the history of Enron and the purported effort to bring it back. Once the nation’s seventh-largest company, Enron filed for bankruptcy protection on Dec. 2, 2001, after years of accounting tricks could no longer hide billions of dollars in debt or make failing ventures appear profitable. The energy company's collapse put more than 5,000 people out of work and wiped out more than $2 billion in employee pensions. Its aftershocks were felt throughout the energy sector. Twenty-four Enron executives , including former CEO Jeffrey Skilling , were convicted for their roles in the fraud. Enron founder Ken Lay’s convictions were vacated after he died of heart disease following his 2006 trial. On Monday — the 23rd anniversary of the bankruptcy filing — a company representing itself as Enron announced in a news release it was relaunching as a “company dedicated to solving the global energy crisis.” It also posted a video on social media, advertised on at least one Houston billboard and a took out a full-page ad in the Houston Chronicle In the minute-long video full of generic corporate jargon, the company talks about “growth” and “rebirth.” It ends with the words, “We’re back. Can we talk?” In an email, company spokesperson Will Chabot said the new Enron was not doing any interviews yet, but "We’ll have more to share soon.” Signs point to the comeback being a joke. In the “terms of use and conditions of sale” on the company's website, it says “the information on the website about Enron is First Amendment protected parody, represents performance art, and is for entertainment purposes only.” Documents filed with the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office show College Company, an Arkansas-based LLC, owns the Enron trademark. The co-founder of College Company is Connor Gaydos, who helped create a joke conspiracy theory claiming all birds are actually government surveillance drones. Peters said she and some other former employees are upset and think the relaunch was “in poor taste.” “If it’s a joke, it’s rude, extremely rude. And I hope that they realize it and apologize to all of the Enron employees,” Peters said. Peters, 74, said she is still working in information technology because “I lost everything in Enron, and so my Social Security doesn’t always take care of things I need done.” “Enron’s downfall taught us critical lessons about corporate ethics, accountability, and the consequences of unchecked ambition. Enron’s legacy was the employees in the trenches. Leave Enron buried,” she said. But Sherron Watkins, Enron’s former vice president of corporate development and the main whistleblower who helped uncover the scandal, said she didn’t have a problem with the joke because comedy “usually helps us focus on an uncomfortable historical event that we’d rather ignore.” “I think we use prior scandals to try to teach new generations what can go wrong with big companies,” said Watkins, who still speaks at colleges and conferences about the Enron scandal. This story was corrected to fix the spelling of Ken Lay’s first name, which had been misspelled “Key.” Follow Juan A. Lozano on X at https://x.com/juanlozano70
Global stocks end mostly up with DAX crossing 20,000 for 1st time
Families who have suffered from some of Fort Worth's most heinous and mysterious unsolved crimes say a lack of staff in the Fort Worth Police Department's Cold Case Unit has left Justice Shelved in their decades-long struggles for answers. After we reported on the police department's troubled and severely understaffed crime lab , several families of murdered and missing people in Fort Worth reached out to NBC 5 Investigates . They expressed anger and frustration with a lack of action and communication in their cases. NBC 5 Investigates reported last month that the Fort Worth Police Department's crime lab has been so short-staffed that it failed to meet state deadlines for processing evidence in sexual assault cases more than 1,200 times . Five families, those of June Ward, Gloria Choice, Julie Moseley, Cheryl Springfield, and Thurlow Buchanon, are now members of a group they never wanted to join. They're united by loss and grief but also by shared concern with what they describe as the Fort Worth Police Department's lack of resources and responsiveness. "It's wrong. We're angry. We're forgotten," said Jan Webster, whose sister, Cheryl Springfield, was murdered on Christmas Day in 1980. The families said they felt forgotten because the Fort Worth Police Department's Cold Case Unit is understaffed. The department confirmed that only one full-time detective and two part-time reserve officers were assigned to the unit, which has 1,000 cold cases to solve. "It's ridiculous. There's no way," Webster said. Kym Caddell, who helps support and advocate for Fort Worth cold case families through Thaw the Cold Cases , said staffing in the unit reminds her of the situation NBC 5 Investigates exposed in the crime lab, where the police department had five vacant positions, resulting in delays to more than 1,200 sexual assault cases. "No matter how dedicated, how passionate you are, you cannot work a thousand cases, nor can you go through the cases to see which ones are workable," said Caddell. Caddell said there were parallels between the department's cold case unit and the crime lab, including a lack of manpower and funding. "It's deplorable. As much as Fort Worth has grown and as big as we are, then, I mean, there needs to be more staffing," said Sheryl Buchanan, whose brother Thurlow was murdered in 1987. NBC 5 Investigates sat down with Fort Worth Chief of Police Neil Noakes and told him that many families said they felt forgotten. "They are not forgotten. I want them to know that," Noakes said. The chief said his department is actively working on cold cases where new leads exist. "This is extremely important. Any way we can bring closure to any family or a loved one of someone who was murdered. We want to make sure we do that," Noakes said. The families told NBC 5 Investigates they could not get basic questions answered about the status of investigations. "You know, you don't get responses. When you do, you know, 'I'm going to get back with you,' and they don't. I don't think I've ever had a return phone call," Buchanan said. Scotti Choice, whose mother, Gloria Choice, was found murdered in a vacant Fort Worth apartment building, has had a similar experience trying to get an update on his mother's case. "They won't call you back. They won't answer phones. You leave a message, they won't call you back," said Choice. Many families would like to know about the status of DNA evidence in their cases and whether additional testing could be done. "You know, where do we sit? What do we have to work with? Right. And then what are the criteria?" said Dave Ward, whose mother, 25-year-old June Ward, was killed in 1977. Her body was found naked, and she'd been strangled with her bra strap. The families saw a glimmer of hope in 2020 when the Fort Worth Police Department solved the 46-year-old murder of Carla Walker . In that case, police sent DNA evidence to a private lab specializing in degraded DNA samples and genetic genealogy, which can identify even distant relatives of possible suspects to generate new leads. "I know that technology's changed, and I know that there's something they could do. I'm just not sure why it's not getting done," Webster said. Some of the families said they've asked those questions but have not received a response. They all said they felt the department had done a poor job of communicating with the families about their cases. We shared their concerns with Noakes, letting the chief know each family hoped for an update on their case and whether there was any DNA evidence that could be sent away like in the Walker case. Noakes said families would be given those answers and pledged that his detectives would review each case to determine whether additional testing is possible. "If there is something that we can send off to be tested, then absolutely we should make that happen," Noakes said. Noakes conceded that families waiting months or even a year for a response from the Cold Case Unit was unacceptable. He promised to reexamine staffing in the coming weeks to see if additional staff would help the department be more responsive to victims, and he offered the families an apology. "I am so sorry. The last thing we want is any victim of a crime or family member of a victim of a crime here in Fort Worth to feel that we don't care, to feel that they are forgotten," Noakes said. For families, finding out what happened to their loved ones is more than just curiosity. It's a deep need to comprehend events that forever altered their lives. "They had lives," Webster said. "They deserved to know what happened. We deserve to know what happened." Ward described how the violent death of his mother left behind emptiness and a desire to know what happened while creating a drive to advocate on her behalf. "You have a daughter? You have a sister? You have a mother? You could probably imagine how this would feel," Ward said. Noakes told NBC 5 Investigates that his department is also working to turn the old paper records in their cold case files into digital records, which could help detectives better track the status of cases and DNA evidence. Even after decades, degraded DNA could still be tested, just like in the Walker case. In the case of the missing trio of teenagers, the families would like a letter left behind to be tested to determine if it was written by one of the victims or someone who harmed them. The families agreed that they wanted the information, whatever the answers to these questions were. CHERYL SPRINGFIELD Cheryl Lynn Tunnel Springfield was just 21 years old in 1980 when she was found dead inside a quaint home on Whittier Street in Fort Worth. In a 2016 report, NBC 5 talked with the victim's sister , Jan Webster, who promised justice for her sister. "We may not be able to get it now, but technology will catch up. And if you're 80 years old and I have to come jerk you out of the nursing home, I intend to do that," Webster said. Springfield had been working things out with her ex-husband, Scott, and they planned to spend Christmas with their young son. When Scott arrived at her home on Christmas morning, he found her naked and bloody body on the floor next to her Christmas tree. Detectives said she was strangled with a cord that was still tightly wound around her neck. Springfield's ex-husband was ruled out as a suspect in her murder. Fort Worth police said a neighbor reported seeing her talking with an unknown man at about midnight on Christmas Eve, but a good description wasn't available. A partial fingerprint was recovered at the scene. JULIE MOSELEY (MISSING TRIO) Sandy Harkcom's neice Julie Moseley is one of Fort Worth's "missing trio" of three teenagers who vanished two days before Christmas in 1974. Reports from NBC 5 said 17-year-old Rachel Trlica, 14-year-old Renee Wilson, and 9-year-old Julie Moseley had driven to the Seminary South Shopping Center on Dec. 23, 1974, and were never seen again. There was speculation the girls went to Houston to visit relatives, but after police found their car abandoned with Christmas presents and school books in the rear seat, investigators knew they'd never made that trip. The disappearances were profiled in an episode of NBC's Dateline , which pointed at physical evidence in the case -- a handwritten note received by Tommy Trlica, Rachel's husband, the morning after the girls disappeared. The note was suspicious, the family said, because it was signed by Rachel but her name was misspelled. The families also found the statements made in the note unbelievable. THURLOW BUCHANAN O.D. Wyatt graduate Thurlow Buchanan disappeared in Fort Worth in November 1987 and was never seen or heard from again. According to a Jan. 2, 1988, article in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Buchanan was last seen leaving his friend's apartment on Pinson Street in his new pickup truck. Three days after his disappearance, the truck was found near the University of Houston, where his girlfriend attended college, but there were no signs of foul play and no sign of Buchanan. According to the paper, Thurlow was dependable and never left town without telling his mother and previously had only visited his girlfriend on weekends because he attended night school. JUNE WARD The Fort Worth Police Department began investigating the murder of June Ward in February 1977. Ward was believed to have had car trouble after her white Chevrolet Laguna was found along the 4800 block of South Freeway. Ward's body was found not far away, lying next to a curb on the 1000 block of West Fuller. It was determined that Ward had been strangled. GLORIA CHOICE On Dec. 9, 2005, Gloria Yvonne Choice, 57, was found dead in a vacant apartment in East Fort Worth. According to the Tarrant County Medical Examiner's Report, Gloria was attacked by another person and suffered blunt trauma to her head and brain. Her body was found in the Willows of Woodhaven Apartment complex at 5855 Goldenwood Drive. A suspect was not identified. In 2010, the Cold Case Unit reopened the investigation. In April 2012, Fort Worth Police announced they'd obtained an arrest warrant for the murder, but the suspect was later released. 'THAW THE COLD CASES' Kym Caddell and the families who spoke to NBC 5 are part of a private group called Thaw the Cold Cases . The support group is dedicated to bringing families who have lost loved ones together, where they work collectively to raise awareness for their cold cases. Before gathering at the NBC 5 studios, the families previously met at an annual remembrance walk organized by the group. The next walk is planned for April 2025. A nonprofit has been established to raise funds to support the Fort Worth Police Department's cold case unit. For more information on the organization and how to donate, visit its website . Anyone with information about a Fort Worth Cold Case or any unsolved homicide is asked to contact Fort Worth Police at 817-392-4307 or 817-392-4308. Information may also shared via email at coldcase@fortworthpd.com .
Correction: Alabama A&M football player still alive following Magic City Classic injury; University retracts statement on deathWalmart's DEI rollback signals a profound shift in the wake of Trump's election victory